Algonquian IndianCreation-Myth

In many other Indian mythologies, we find the wind brooding over the primeval ocean in the form of a bird. In some creation-myths amphibious animals dive into the waters and bring up sufficient mud with them to form a beginning of the new earth. In a number of these tales no actual act of creation is recorded, but a reconstruction of matter only. The Algonquins relate that their great god Michabo, when hunting one day with wolves for dogs, was surprised to see the animals enter a great lake and disappear. He followed them into the waters with the object of rescuing them, but as he did so the lake suddenly overflowed and submerged the entire earth. Michabo despatched a raven with directions to find a piece of earth which might serve as a nucleus for a new world, but the bird returned from its quest unsuccessful. Then the god sent an 
otter on a like errand, but it too failed to bring back the needful terrestrial germ. At last a musk-rat was sent on the same mission, and it returned with sufficient earth to enable Michabo to recreate the solid land. The trees had become denuded of their branches, so the god discharged arrows at them, which provided them with new boughs. After this Michabo married the musk-rat, and from their union sprang the human race.

Native American's Beliefs in Death and Superstition

Native American's Death and Superstition Beliefs

An entire volume might well be written which should embrace only an account of the superstitious regarding death and burial among the Indians, so thoroughly has the matter been examined and discussed by various authors, and yet so much still remains to be commented on, but in this work, which is mainly tentative, and is hoped will be provocative of future efforts, it is deemed sufficient to give only a few accounts. The first is by Dr. W. Mathews, United States Army, and relates to the Hidatsa:

When a Hidatsa dies, his shade lingers four nights around the camp or village in which he died, and then goes to the lodge of his departed kindred in the “village of the dead.” When he has arrived there he is rewarded for his valor, self-denial, and ambition on earth by receiving the same regard in the one place as in the other, for there as here the brave man is honored and the coward despised. Some say that the ghosts of those that commit suicide occupy a separate part of the village, but that their condition differs in no wise from that of the others. In the next world, human shades hunt and live in the shades of buffalo and other animals that have here died. There, too there are four seasons, but they come in an inverse order to the terrestrial seasons. During the four nights that the ghost is supposed to linger near his former dwelling, those who disliked or feared the deceased, and do not wish a visit from the shade, scorch with red coals a pair of moccasins which they leave at the door of the lodge. The smell of the burning leather they claim keeps the ghost out, but the true friends of the dead man take no such precautions.

From this account, it will be seen that the Hidatsa, as well as the Algonquins and Mexicans, believed that four days were required before the spirit could finally leave the earth. Why the smell of burning leather should be offensive to spirits it would perhaps be fruitless to speculate on.

The next account, by Keating, relating to the Chippewas, shows a slight analogy regarding the slippery-pole tradition already alluded to:

The Chippewas believe that there is in man an essence entirely distinct from the body; they call it Ochechag, and appear to supply to it the qualities which we refer to the soul. They believe that it quits the body it the time of death, and repairs to what they term Chekechekchekawe; this region is supposed to be situated to the south, and on the shores of the great ocean. Previous to arriving there they meet with a stream which they are obliged to cross upon a large snake that answers the purpose of a bridge; those who die from drowning never succeed in crossing the stream; they are thrown into it and remain there forever. Some souls come to the edge of the stream, but are prevented from passing by the snake, which threatens to devour them; these are the souls of the persons in a lethargy or trance. Being refused a passage these souls return to their bodies and reanimate them. They believe that animals have souls, and even that inorganic substances, such as kettles, &c., have in them a similar essence.

In this land of souls all are treated according to their merits. Those who have been good men are free from pain; they have no duties to perform, their time is spent in dancing and singing, and they feed upon mushrooms, which are very abundant. The souls of bad men are haunted by the phantom of the persons or things that they have injured; thus, if a man has destroyed much property the phantoms of the wrecks of this property obstruct his passage wherever he goes; if he has been cruel to his dogs or horses they also torment him after death. The ghosts of those whom during his lifetime he wronged are there permitted to avenge their injuries. They think that when a soul has crossed the stream it cannot return to its body, yet they believe in apparitions, and entertain the opinion that the spirits of the departed will frequently revisit the abodes of their friends in order to invite them to the other world, and to forewarn them of their approaching dissolution.

Stephen Powers, in his valuable work so often quoted, gives a number of examples of superstitions regarding the dead, of which the following relates to the Karok of California:

How well and truly the Karok reverence the memory of the dead is shown by the fact that the highest crime one can commit is the pet-chi-é-ri the mere mention of the dead relative’s name. It is a deadly insult to the survivors, and can be atoned for only by the same amount of blood-money paid for willful murder. In default of that they will have the villain’s blood. *** At the mention of his name the mouldering skeleton turns in his grave and groans. They do not like stragglers even to inspect the burial place.*** They believe that the soul of a good Karok goes to the “happy western land” beyond the great ocean. That they have a well-grounded assurance of an immortality beyond the grave is proven, if not otherwise, by their beautiful and poetical custom of whispering a message in the ear of the dead. *** Believe that dancing will liberate some relative’s soul from bonds of death, and restore him to earth.

According to the same author, when a Kelta dies a little bird flies away with his soul to the spirit land. If he was a bad Indian a hawk will catch the little bird and eat him up, soul and feathers, but if he was good he will reach the spirit land. Mr. Powers also states that—

The Tolowa share in the superstitious observance for the memory of the dead which is common to the Northern Californian tribes. When I asked the chief Tahhokolli to tell me the Indian words for “father” and “mother” and certain others similar, he shook his head mournfully and said, “All dead,” “All dead,” “No good.” They are forbidden to mention the name of the dead, as it is a deadly insult to the relatives, *** and that the Mat-tóal hold that the good depart to a happy region somewhere southward in the great ocean, but the soul of a bad Indian transmigrates into a grizzly bear, which they consider, of all animals, the cousin-german of sin.

The same author who has been so freely quoted states as follows regarding some of the superstitions and beliefs of the Modocs:

*** It has always been one of the most passionate desires among the Modok, as well as their neighbors, the Shastika, to live, die, and be buried where they were born. Some of their usages in regard to the dead and their burial may be gathered from an incident that occurred while the captives of 1873 were on their way from the Lava Beds to Fort Klamath, as it was described by an eye-witness. Curly-headed Jack, a prominent warrior, committed suicide with a pistol. His mother and female friends gathered about him and set up a dismal wailing; they besmeared themselves with his blood and endeavored by other Indian customs to restore his life. The mother took his head in her lap and scooped the blood from his ear, another old woman placed her hand upon his heart, and a third blew in his face. The sight of the group—these poor old women, whose grief was unfeigned, and the dying man—was terrible in its sadness. 
Outside the tent stood Bogus-Charley, Huka Jim, Shucknasty Jim, Steamboat Frank, Curly-headed Doctor, and others who had been the dying man’s companions from childhood, all affected to tears. When he was lowered into the grave, before the soldiers began to cover the body, Huka Jim was seen running eagerly about the camp trying to exchange a two-dollar bill of currency for silver. He owed the dead warrior that amount of money, and he had grave doubts whether the currency would be of any use to him in the other world—sad commentary on our national currency!—and desired to have the coin instead. Procuring it from one of the soldiers he cast it in and seemed greatly relieved. All the dead man’s other effects, consisting of clothing, trinkets, and a half dollar, were interred with him, together with some root-flour as victual for the journey to the spirit land.

The superstitious fear Indians have of the dead or spirit of the dead may be observed from the following narrative by Swan It regards the natives of Washington Territory:

My opinion about the cause of these deserted villages is this: It is the universal custom with these Indians never to live in a lodge where a person has died. If a person of importance dies, the lodge is usually burned down, or taken down and removed to some other part of the bay; and it can be readily seen that in the case of the Palux Indians, who had been attacked by the Chehalis people, as before stated, their relatives chose at once to leave for some other place. This objection to living in a lodge where a person has died is the reason why their sick slaves are invariably carried out into the woods, where they remain either to recover or die. There is, however, no disputing the fact that an immense mortality has occurred among these people, and they are now reduced to a mere handful.

The great superstitious dread these Indians have for a dead person, and their horror of touching a corpse, oftentimes give rise to a difficulty as to who shall perform the funeral ceremonies; for any person who handles a dead body must not eat of salmon or sturgeon for thirty days. Sometimes, in cases of small-pox, I have known them leave the corpse in the lodge, and all remove elsewhere; and in two instances that came to my knowledge, the whites had to burn the lodges, with the bodies in them, to prevent infection.

So, in the instances I have before mentioned, where we had buried Indians, not one of their friends or relatives could be seen. All kept in their lodges, singing and drumming to keep away the spirits of the dead.

According to Bancroft—

The Tlascaltecs supposed that the common people were after death transformed into beetles and disgusting objects, while the nobler became stars and beautiful birds.

The Mosquito Indians of Central America studiously and superstitiously avoid mentioning the name of the dead, in this regard resembling those of our own country.

Enough of illustrative examples have now been given, it is thought, to enable observers to thoroughly comprehend the scope of the proposed final volume on the mortuary customs of North American Indians, and while much more might have been added from the stored-up material on hand, it has not been deemed advisable at this time to yield to a desire for amplification. The reader will notice, as in the previous paper, that discussion has been avoided as foreign to the present purpose of the volume, which is intended, as has been already stated, simply to induce further investigation and contribution from careful and conscientious 
observers. From a perusal of the excerpts from books and correspondence given will be seen what facts are useful and needed; in short, most of them may serve as copies for preparation of similar material.

To assist observers, the queries published in the former volume are also given.

1st. Name of the tribe; present appellation; former, if differing any; and that used by the Indians themselves.

2d. Locality, present and former.—The response should give the range of the tribe and be full and geographically accurate.

3d. Deaths and funeral ceremonies; what are the important and characteristic facts connected with these subjects? How is the corpse prepared after death and disposed of? How long is it retained? Is it spoken to after death as if alive? when and where? What is the character of the addresses? What articles are deposited with it; and why? Is food put in the grave, or in or near it afterwards? Is this said to be an ancient custom? Are persons of the same gens buried together; and is the clan distinction obsolete, or did it ever prevail?

4th. Manner of burial, ancient and modern; structure and position of the graves; cremation.—Are burials usually made in high and dry grounds? Have mounds or tumuli been erected in modern times over the dead? How is the grave prepared and finished? What position are bodies placed in? Give reasons therefor if possible. If cremation is or was practiced, describe the process, disposal of the ashes, and origin of custom or traditions relating thereto. Are the dead ever eaten by the survivors? Are bodies deposited in springs or in any body of water? Are scaffolds or trees used as burial places; if so, describe construction of the former and how the corpse is prepared, and whether placed in skins or boxes. Are bodies placed in canoes? State whether they are suspended from trees, put on scaffolds or posts, allowed to float on the water or sunk beneath it, or buried in the ground. Can any reasons be given for the prevalence of any one or all of the methods? Are burial posts or slabs used, plain, or marked, with flags or other insignia of position of deceased. Describe embalmment, mummification, desiccation, or if antiseptic precautions are taken, and subsequent disposal of remains. Are bones collected and reinterred; describe ceremonies, if any, whether modern or ancient. If charnel houses exist or have been used, describe them.

5th. Mourning observances.—Is scarification practiced, or personal mutilation? What is the garb or sign of mourning? How are the dead lamented? Are periodical visits made to the grave? Do widows carry symbols of their deceased children or husbands, and for how long? Are sacrifices, human or otherwise, voluntary or involuntary, offered? Are fires kindled on graves; why, and at what time, and for how long?

6th. Burial traditions and superstitions.—Give in full all that 
can be learned on these subjects, as they are full of interest and very important.

In short, every fact bearing on the disposal of the dead; and correlative customs are needed, and details should be as succinct and full as possible.

One of the most important matters upon which information is needed is the “why” and “wherefore” for every rite and custom; for, as a rule, observers are content to simply state a certain occurrence as a fact, but take very little trouble to inquire the reason for it.

Any material the result of careful observation will be most gratefully received and acknowledged in the final volume; but the writer must here confess the lasting obligation he is under to those who have already contributed, a number so large that limited space precludes a mention of their individual names.

Criticism and comments are earnestly invited from all those interested in the special subject of this paper and anthropology in general. Contributions are also requested from persons acquainted with curious forms of burial prevailing among other tribes of savage men.

The lithographs which illustrate this paper have been made by Thos. Sinclair & Son, of Philadelphia, Pa., after original drawings made by Mr. W. H. Holmes, who has with great kindness superintended their preparation.

Early Account of the Indians Living on Long Island, New York

Early Account of the Indians Living on Long Island, New York

The Indians of Long Island were designated on the 
Dutch maps Mohegans, and have been so called by his- 
torians. This is but a sub-title under the general term 
Algonquins, covering a great race of savages scattered 
over Connecticut, Rhode Island, Delaware and other 
States. 

The Indians of the island were tall and straight, mus- 
cular and agile, with straight hair and reddish-brown 
complexion. Their language was the Algonquin, the 
highly descriptive tongue in which the apostle Eliot 
wrote the Indian Bible, and which was used by other 
missionaries. It was the language that greeted the col- 
onists at Roanoke, and the Pilgrims at Plymouth. It 
was spoken through twenty degrees of latitude and sixty 
degrees of longitude. Strange that a language which a 
century ago was spoken so widely and freely between the 
aborigines and the settlers should have so perished that 
it is doubted whether a man is living who can speak it or 
read the Indian Bible, so laboriously prepared by the 
apostolic John Eliot. 

The Indian names of Long Island are said to be Se- 
wanhacky, Wamponomon and Paumanake. These names, 
or at least the first two, seem to have arisen from the 
abundance of the quahog or hard clam, the shell of which 
furnished the wampun or sewant, which in the earlier 
times was the money of the country, as well as the 
material for the embroidery and the record symbols of 
the Indian belts. Matouwacs is the name given the 
island on the earliest Dutch maps. The. deed to the 
settlers at Easthampton styles it Paumanake. Rev. 
William Hubbard, of Ipswich, in his history of New 
England, called it Mattamwake. In books and deeds it 
bears other names, as Meitowax, Metoac, etc. Sewan- 
hacky and Wamponomon both signify the island, or place, 
of shells. Of Mattanwake Judge Furman says: "In 
the Narragansett language mattan was a term used to 
signify anything fine or good, and duke or ake meant land 
or earth; thus the whole word meant the good or pleasant 
land, which was certainly highly characteristic of Long 
Island, even at that period of its early settlement." 

The religious notions of the Long Island Indians are 
described in a communication from the Rev. Samson 
Occum, published in the collections of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society. His words are: " They believe in a 
plurality of gods, and in one great and good being, who 
controls all the rest. They likewise believe in an evil 
spirit, and have their conjurors or paw-waws." The 
ceremony performed by these characters was so odious 
in the opinion of the whole people that the duke's laws 
of 1665 enacted that ''no Indian shall be permitted to 
paw-waw or perform worship to the devil in any town 
within this government." It is evident, however, that they 
still kept up their devil worship at the visit of the 
Labadists in 1679-80. They also had divinities in the 
winds and waters. It is surprising how few tokens are 
found, in the shape of idols, or carvings of any kind, to 
signify a reverence for their gods. The only thing which 
has attracted particular attention is " the foot-print of the 
evil spirit "^the impression of a foot on a boulder, now 
iu the possession of the Long Island Historical Society, 
which had lain upon Montauk Point from the earliest 
English knowledge, and probably for centuries before, 
and which was always an object of Indian veneration. 

The lodges or wigwams of the Long Island Indians 
were fifteen or twenty feet wide, having a frame of two 
rows of poles bent together and covered with rushes, 
except along the ridge, where an opening was left for 
smoke to escape. This frame of poles was interlaced 
with the bark of trees, and continued to a length of 180 
feet or more, as the families conjointly occupying the 
wigwam might require. Fires were built along the floor, 
each family having its own for cooking and for comfort 
in cold weather. The principal household utensils were 
earthen pots and gourds for holding water. 

The original fur and feather clothing of these savages 
gave place to cloth after the advent of Europeans. At 
first a blanket about the shoulders and a cloth hanging 
from a belt about the waist composed their costume, but 
they afterward imitated the dress of the whites. All were 
fond of decoration. In early deeds from them there is a 
peculiar reservation of " the trees in what eagles do build 
their nests," doubtless in order to secure to them the 
feathers of the royal bird, which were among their valued 
adornments. 

Their canoes were of different sizes, from the light 
shallop to those of sixty feet in length. They were 
wrought out of logs with stone axes, with the help of fire. 
Their pottery, of which specimens are found in the shell 
heaps, is of clay, mixed with water, hollowed out by the 
hand and baked. Most of the specimens are very inferior. 
Private collections abound in arrow-heads, stone axes, 
and the pestles and mortars which served them for mills. 
The Long Island Historical Society has a collection of 
Indian relics, in which the only metallic instrument is 
an ax of native copper unearthed a few years ago at 
Rockaway, together with a few stone axes and a quantity 
of spear heads, apparently buried for preservation. 

Long Island was the great source of the supply of 
wampun or sewant — the Indian shell money, as well as 
the beads which they wore as ornaments or fastened to 
their clothing. Along the shores of the island immense 
deposits of shells once existed (some of which yet remain), 
from which the blue portion forming the eye was care- 
fully removed for making blue beads; these were 
worth three times as much as the white, which were 
made from the inner pillars of the conch shell or 
periwinkle. 

Long Island will always be a monumental point in 
history as the place to which Hudson and his mariners 
first came as the key to open a world in commerce and 
civilization, to which the discoveries of Columbus were 
but the vestibule. The earliest account of the Indians 
of the island is that given by Hudson in the narrative of 
his voyage of 1609. On the 4th of September of that 
year he came to anchor in Gravesend Bay. He says the 
Canarsie Indians came on board his vessel without any 
apprehension and seemed very glad of his coming. They 
brought with them green tobacco and exchanged it for 
knives and beads. They were clad in deer skins, well 
dressed, and were "very civil." On a subsequent visit 
some of them were dressed in "mantles of feathers " and 
some in " skins of diver sorts of good furs." Hudson states 
that " they had yellow copper, and red copper tobacco 
pipes, and ornaments of copper about their necks;" also 
that they had currants and "great store of maize or 
Indian corn, whereof they made good bread." They also 
brought him hemp. Some of his men landed where is 
now the town of Gravesend and met many men, women 
and children, who gave them tobacco. They described 
the country to Hudson as " full of great tall oaks, and 
the lands as pleasant with grass and flowers and goodly 
trees as they had ever seen." 

Doubtless the natives presented their very best festal 
appearance to the great captain of the "big canoe;" 
though when, seventy years after (in 1679-80). when they 
were visited by the Labadist agents, Dankers and Sluyter, 
after contact with the early settlers, they had sadly de- 
generated, and the best collection that has been made of 
their utensils and adornments fails to show any of the 
yellow copper ornaments. 

Description of the Construction of an Algonquin Lodge (House)

Description of the Construction of an Algonquin Lodge (House)

The typical Algonquian lodge of the woods and lakes was oval, and the conical lodge, 

made of sheets of birch-bark, also occurred. The Mohegan, and to some extent the Virginia 

Indians, constructed long communal houses which accommodated a number of  families. 

The dwelings in the N. were sometimes built of logs, while those in the aand parts of the

 W. were constructed of saplings fixed in the ground, bent over at the top, and covered with

 movable matting, thus forming a long, round- roofed house. The Delawares and some other

 eastern tribes, preferring to live separately, built smaller dwellings. The manner of 

construction among the Delawares is thus described by Zeisberger: "They peel trees, 

abounding with sap, such as lime trees, etc., then cutting the bark into pieces of 2 or 3

 yards in length, they lay heavy stones upon them, that they may become flat and even

 in drying. The frame of the hut is made by driving poles into the ground and strengthening

 them by cross beams. This framework is covered, both within and without, with the above-

mentioned pieces of  bark, fastened very tight with bast or twigs of hickory, which are

 remarkably tough. The roof runs up to a ridge, and is covered in the same manner. 

These huts have one opening in the roof to let out the smoke and one in the side for an

 entrance. The door is made of a large piece of bark without either bolt or lock, a stick

 leaning against the outside being a sign that nobody is at home. The light enters by small

 openings furnished with sliding shutters." The covering was some- times rushes or long

 reed grass. The houses of the Illinois are described by Hennepin as 
being "made with long arbors" and covered with double mats of flat flags. Those of the 

Chippewa and the Plains tribes were circular or conical, a framework covered with bark

 among the former, a frame of movable poles covered with dressed skins amongthe latter. 

The villages, especially along the Atlantic coast, were frequently surrounded with stock-

 ades of tall, stout stakes firmly set in the ground. A number of the western Algonquian 

towns are described by early explorers as fortified or as surrounded with palisades. 

The Algonquin Myth of the Manitou and The Pity of the Trees

The Algonquin Myth of the Manitou and The Pity of the Trees

On the third night he was very weak and ill, for he had tasted no food since he had first set out, and he was numbed with cold and despair. He stumbled over a withered branch hidden under the snow, and so tired was he that he lay where he fell, and immediately went to sleep. All the birds and the beasts, all the multitude of creatures that inhabit the forest, came to watch over his slumbers. They remembered his kindness to them in former days, how he had never slain an animal unless} he really needed it for food or clothing, how he had loved and protected the trees and the flowers. Their hearts were touched by his courageous fight for Shanewi, and they pitied his misfortunes. All that they could do to aid him they did. They cried to the Great Manitou to save his wife from the plague which held her, and the Great Spirit heard the manifold whispering and responded to their prayers.

While Nekumonta lay asleep there came to him the messenger of Manitou, and he dreamed. In his dream he saw his beautiful Shanewis, pale and thin, but as lovely as ever, and as he looked she smiled at him, and sang a strange, sweet song, like the murmuring of a distant waterfall. Then the scene changed, and it really was a waterfall he heard. In musical language it called him by name, saying: "Seek us, O Nekumonta, and when you find us Shanewis shall live. We are the Healing Waters of the Great Manitou."

Nekumonta awoke with the words of the song still ringing in his ears. Starting to his feet, he looked in every direction; but there was no water to be seen, though the murmuring sound of a waterfall was distinctly audible. He fancied he could even distinguish words in it.

The Okee Devil and the Algonquin Indian Mummification Ceremony

The Okee Devil and the Algonquin Indian Mummification Ceremony

Following and in connection with cave burial, the subject of mummifying or embalming the dead may be taken up, as most specimens of the kind have generally been found in such repositories.

It might be both interesting and instructive to search out and discuss the causes which have led many nations or tribes to adopt certain processes with a view to prevent that return to dust which all flesh must sooner or later experience, but the necessarily limited scope of this work precludes more than a brief mention of certain theories advanced by writers of note, and which relate to the ancient Egyptians. Possibly at the time the Indians of America sought to preserve their dead from decomposition, some such ideas may have animated them, but on this point no definite information has been procured. In the final volume an effort will be made to trace out the origin of mummification among the Indians and aborigines of this continent.

According to Pinkerton, who took the account from Smith’s Virginia, the Werowance of Virginia preserved their dead as follows:

In their Temples they have his [their chief God, the Devil’s] image will favourdly carved, and then painted and adorned with chaines of copper, and beads, and covered with a skin, in such manner as the deformity may well suit with such a God. By him is commonly the sepulchre of their Kings. Their bodies are first bowelled, then dried upon hurdles till they be very dry, and so about the most of their joints and neck they hang bracelets, or chains of copper, pearl, and such like, as they use to wear. Their inwards they stuff with copper beads, hatchets, and such trash. Then lappe they them very carefully in white skins, and so roll them in mats for their winding-sheets. And in the Tombe, which is an arch made of mats, they lay them orderly. What remaineth of this kind of wealth their Kings have, they set at their feet in baskets. These temples and bodies are kept by their Priests.

For their ordinary burials, they dig a deep hole in the earth with sharp stakes, and the corpse being lapped in skins and mats with their Jewels they lay them upon sticks in the ground, and so cover them with earth. The burial ended, the women being painted all their faces with black cole and oil doe sit twenty-foure hours in the houses mourning and lamenting by turns with such yelling and howling as may express their great passions. ***

Upon the top of certain red sandy hills in the woods there are three great houses filled with images of their Kings and devils and the tombs of their predecessors. Those houses are near sixty feet in length, built harbourwise after their building. This place they count so holy as that but the priests and Kings dare come into them; nor the savages dare not go up the river in boats by it, but that they solemnly cast 
2me piece of copper, white beads or pocones into the river for fear their Okee should be offended and revenged of them.

They think that their Werowances and priests which they also esteem, when they are dead doe goes beyond the mountains towards the setting of the sun, and ever remain there in form of their Okee, with their besds painted  red with oil, finely trimmed with feathers, and shall have beads, hatchets, copper, and tobacco, doing nothing but dance and sing with all their predecessors. But the common people they suppose shall not live after death, but rot in their graves like dead dogs.